Thursday, January 22, 2009

"Obama and the Left" - what "progressives" are saying... (Brian) by Winston

I still subscribe to The Progressive. It has some good nuggets once in awhile (good toilet reading), and I appreciate its century-old roots...

This month, Ruth Coniff and John Nichols each have an interesting piece on how to "push" Obama "from the left." While they represent largely the advocacy model, it is worth a look, as these are the types of analyses many Obama supporters are using when determining how to engage his administration (in an environment in which these "progressives" are ostensibly "in power" and no longer working with "strategies of the opposition").

A nugget from the Coniff piece:

"We're not so much in protest mode and more in expectations and if-we-build-it-it-will-happen mode," she [Medea Benjamin] says. "Who knows how long we can stay in this mode?"

and from Nichols:

"Obama was nominated and elected in 2008 by progressives, both younger tech-savvy activists who made his candidacy an early favorite of the blogosphere and old-school liberal precinct walkers who saw in his candidacy an extension of the frustrating work of opposing all that was Bush and Cheney. The Senator won the Democratic nomination because he was the only first-tier contender who could say that he had opposed authorizing Bush to take the country to war with Iraq....

These activists formed a base within the campaign and the Democratic Party, centered on but not limited to the Obama team's quasi-open website and blog, www.MyBarackObama.com, which did not always cheerlead for the candidate. In June, when Obama broke with Feingold and other Senate progressives to support Bush's rewrite of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the Senator felt enough heat from his own and independent netroots sites that he was compelled to explain himself, making what Obama described as a "firm pledge" that he would revisit the issue as President to shore up privacy protections....

activists cannot wait for Obama to define the playing field. They must assume that he knows what they know. And this requires a radically different approach than the left took to Southern centrist Democratic Presidents such as Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter. The way to influence Obama and his Administration is to speak not so much to him as to America. Get out ahead of the new President, and of his spin-drive communications team.... Don't expect Obama or his aides to do the left thing. Indeed, take a lesson from rightwing pressure groups...."

"Franklin Roosevelt's example is useful here. After his election in 1932, FDR met with Sidney Hillman and other labor leaders, many of them active Socialists with whom he had worked over the past decade or more. Hillman and his allies arrived with plans they wanted the new President to implement. Roosevelt told them: 'I agree with you, I want to do it, now make me do it.'

It is reasonable for progressives to assume that Barack Obama agrees with them on many fundamental issues. He has said as much.

It is equally reasonable for progressives to assume that Barack Obama wants to do the right thing. But it is necessary for progressives to understand that, as with Roosevelt, they will have to make Obama do it."

So...how do these ideas compare or contrast with recent discussions (on this blog and elsewhere) using a revolutionary democratic lens to examine the question, "What now?" What can we take, and what can we leave on the table? What are the real life implications, now that Obama is in office, of finding allies among these circles with whom we can build dual power? And what are some of the possible unfortuante exigencies or possible obsatcles?

3 comments:

  1. This is a great post. This jumped out at me:
    "Hillman and his allies arrived with plans they wanted the new President to implement. Roosevelt told them: 'I agree with you, I want to do it, now make me do it."

    One of the reasons that Obama has had such a successful campaign and why he remains so popular is that Obama and his campaign understand that they need to maintain the support of a majority of the population for there policies and politics. The population is becoming more progressive because of basic demographics… old reactionaries are dying and, at least on all the culture war issues, younger people are more progressive. But if we want to move Obama further to the let we have to organize so that there is still a majority which means we have to add new revolutionary democratic forces to Obama’s coalition by recruiting them, and we have to win Obama forces to revolutionary democracy. If we do this we “make Obama do it” or we give him the political space to move to the left.

    The reason JFK was assassinated was that he didn’t build a strong majority for his policies, instead he ran out ahead on a number of pretty dangerous issues (he wanted to dismantle the military industrial complex—Eisenhower warned of it in his farewell address, he wanted to normalize with Cuba, Russia and Vietnam, effectively end the cold war). Obama is not going to do that, so we have to “run out ahead” and organize. And where possible, especially on at the local level, we have to learn to LEAD the Obama movement. We need to start developing revolutionary democratic solutions to the pressing problems of war and economic collapse.

    I think we have to conceive of revolutionary democracy as a camp inside and outside of the Obama movement and the key thing is to forsake protest mode only to take up advocacy mode. So the question is not what Obama can do but what we can do.

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  2. Update:

    Kos chimes in here:
    http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2009/1/23/113417/731/392/687110

    referencing this comment by blogger Chris Bowers:
    Over the next two years, the relationship between the Democratic trifecta (White House, Senate and House), and the progressive grassroots will probably display the following two characteristics:

    1. More often than not, the progressive grassroots will be happy with the actions taken by the trifecta;
    2. More often than not, the moments of disagreement will receive a disproportional amount of attention and activism.

    Bowers link:
    http://www.openleft.com/showDiary.do?diaryId=11039

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  3. what International Socioalist Review is saying:

    http://www.isreview.org/issues/63/ed-shape.shtml

    http://www.isreview.org/issues/63/rep-antiwar.shtml

    More analysis than organizing strategy, but some interesting stuff...the second link is noteworthy as the articles fleshes out some of the struggles of the "antiwar movement" (ANSWER, UFPJ)

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